Al-Manassa platform has featured a dialogue with Dr. Abeir Imneina, a member of the Advisory Committee and an academic at the Faculty of Economics and Political Science at Benghazi University, as part of the “Towards a Solution” programme with journalist Zainab Tarbah. The discussion focused on the fourth path for resolving the Libyan crisis, emphasising that political dialogue, national settlement, and combating corruption are foundational principles upon which the political tracks proposed by the Advisory Committee must be built.
The proposed path involves activating the dialogue mechanism stipulated in Article 64 of the political agreement and replacing all current political bodies with a constituent council chosen through a dialogue process. However, this proposal raises concerns about a return to square one and the production of the same dismal results. Therefore, a crucial question arose: what must be different in a new political dialogue that produces this constituent council?
Abeir Imneina responded by citing a phrase uttered by Dr. Juma Attiga when the National Conference or its outcomes were denounced: “This is your merchandise returned to you.” She stressed that future outcomes must avoid the flaws that occurred in the previous Geneva process.
Selection criteria:
Regarding the selection process, Imneina explained that there must be specific criteria for the selection, and that the political settlement also determines what the participants can achieve. She added that the criteria for selecting the current Advisory Committee were successful, regardless of the specific individuals chosen.
She clarified that within the committee, selection was based on specialisation that intersects with geography and various societal components. Consequently, broadening these criteria and basing selection on them, while involving institutional associations such as unions, youth organisations, and federations, would make the process more institutionalised and closer to the broad segment of Libyan society.
She added that some issues cannot be addressed without a UN-backed charter, and that the UN mission in Libya must be vigilant against any suspicion of favouritism or fraud. “The new dialogue committee will need to select the constituent authority, and this means it will face millions in bribes. Therefore, there must be an entity to follow up and another to monitor the issue and stand firm against anyone involved, even if it is very difficult, because positions are spoils.”
Combating corrupt political money:
Regarding how to deal with the enormous amount of corrupt political money at this specific stage, Imneina acknowledged that there is no clear and decisive mechanism, and achieving it is difficult, just as it is difficult to reach 100% beneficial results. However, she stressed that “at the very least, there must be monitoring, follow-up, confrontation, and public exposure of anyone involved or suspected of involvement in this process, or for it to be changed and filtered.”
The UN mission and Geneva investigations:
In the context of “Geneva bribes”, Imneina stated that this issue had been previously addressed when discussing the Geneva agreement, and when they sought to convene the dialogue committee within the framework of that track.
Imneina affirmed that the Geneva agreement included a roadmap that was not implemented and not adhered to by the Government of National Unity, especially as it was linked to holding elections that were scheduled for one and a half years. She called on the mission to convene the dialogue committee to meet per the Geneva agreement, questioning why it had not done so, particularly when there was a demand to expose those who had announced receiving bribes upon the final results. She reiterated the question as to why this was overlooked.
Imneina responded that the mission might have investigated the announcement of receiving bribes, but it withheld the results. She commented that the dialogue committee “was booby-trapped from the moment the announcement of who received and who gave bribes was overlooked, and from that moment all Libyans saw the committee as corrupt and bribed.”
Crisis of trust and potential departure of the mission:
A deep crisis of trust has affected the UN mission itself, with some demanding its departure, and others holding it responsible for the chaos that has prevailed since the bribery incident, which they considered a blow to the mission’s credibility and integrity, especially since the dialogue was under its direct patronage.
The mission was supposed to reveal the truth, and perhaps Stephanie Williams could clarify the reason for closing the issue in her new book or memoirs, and this would be for history. However, it would have been more appropriate for the members of the dialogue committee themselves to reveal the truth, as this affects their credibility. They should demand the freezing of the dialogue until the truth of these accusations is revealed, even though these accusations have made their task of selecting a government very difficult. Therefore, everyone involved in the process of selecting a government must focus on the truth.
Lack of guarantees for the mission’s performance in the new dialogue and corrupt money:
Imneina emphasised that the mission must be decisive and firm in certain procedures and actions, and must exhibit absolute transparency. She added that Libyans must also work independently, and that a high sense of patriotism and ethics must prevail when engaging in such committees. However, considering the homeland a commodity to be sold, and an issue unrelated to attracting corrupt money but rather political corruption, leads to an inability to adhere to sound selection.
The Advisory Committee member added that she is certain that if the Fourth Path were pursued, the pressure on the mission to choose specific individuals would be enormous. She stressed that guarantees are contingent upon political settlement and political negotiation.
Supporting the Fourth Path despite challenges:
Regarding her support for the Fourth Path despite all these challenges, Imneina affirmed her strong support for this track, hoping to be a member of a constituent council or a dialogue committee, provided there are tangible guarantees that do not solely rely on “moral commitment.”
She added that pressure must be exerted to arrange the regulation and legality of the charter more tightly, to avoid repeating silent errors like what happened in Geneva and perhaps even in Skhirat.
Fate of the Constituent Assembly and draft constitution under the Fourth Path:
The Fourth Path refers to the creation of a constituent council responsible for drafting the constitution. This raises questions about the fate of the existing Constituent Assembly for Drafting the Constitution and its prepared draft constitution.
Imneina responded that the Assembly, according to Constitutional Amendment No. 12, is legally defunct. However, the current constitutional declaration contains elements that can be built upon, as the new constituent council may prefer to proceed cumulatively rather than starting from scratch. Since there is a prepared and ready draft constitution project, it can be opened and the contentious parts modified, either with the same committee or with others. These contentious parts, if presented in a national dialogue, could be resolved, especially since one of the constituent council’s tasks is to organise a national dialogue regarding the draft constitution to address some points in it, and then amend and approve it or opt for a new constitution. Imneina commented that “all options in this matter are open and not definitive.”
Forming a new government as a first step:
In all paths, the first step is to establish a new government, which will guide the country towards the political track. How can this be achieved if we apply it to today’s reality? How will this government be created?
The first point in the entire electoral process is the need to reconsider the High National Elections Commission. Imneina affirmed that its continuation in its current state would make it “subject to electoral challenges, and the electoral process it leads would collapse, making it very easy to litigate or dismiss any election results.” Therefore, the legal status of the High National Elections Commission must be addressed, as the number of board members must be completed, and the chairman of the board must be re-appointed because Emad Al-Sayah is currently acting.
She added that for the electoral process to be governed, the board of directors must be funded for each electoral process, so that the same board cannot remain for four consecutive electoral processes at the local or national level. The problem of funding the electoral process must also be resolved, as there must be a law for funding electoral processes, and the legislative authority must work to issue this law.
Imneina continued that as for the executive authority, it was given two years to accomplish its mission. If one and a half years pass without any measures being taken in the context of the electoral process or its organisation, “then it will be overthrown, reappointed, or changed, which I never wish for.”
The Advisory Committee member emphasised the need for the government to understand its role, responsibilities, and specific tasks, which include conducting the electoral process and managing public facilities and services throughout this period, without delving into expenditure items that are not strictly necessary. Spending should be regulated for defined necessities only.
Fate of the paths after public vote and expectations regarding the mission’s plan:
Regarding the fate of the paths after being put to a public vote and her knowledge of the mission’s plan concerning them, Imneina said that “what the mission has done is excellent, as it tries to ascertain the opinion of Libyans regarding these paths.” She hoped that this would be a strong impetus for the political process, especially when the popular track leans towards one of the four paths, as this would provide strong momentum to present it to the political parties.
Dialogue as a starting point for a solution and the impact of recent developments:
Imneina considered that what happened in Tripoli after the killing of Ghniwa Al-Kikli (Major General Abdul Ghani al-Kikli) accelerated the pace of finding a solution or an outcome for the crisis. She noted that the Berlin Conference, which brings together embassies of countries relevant to the Libyan file, could be very influential and push the mission to expedite moving towards one of the four paths. Also, the upcoming briefing of UN envoy Hanna Tetteh before the Security Council could be “somewhat a step forward.”
Imneina asserted that the international community holds the key to the solution, stating that Libyans are unable to conduct a national dialogue independently of any external influence, “because Libya is constrained under Chapter VII and the interests of every political party within it, and we have no margin for free movement.”
She added: “Since Libyans are awaiting a US envoy, the results of the Berlin Conference, and the UN mission’s briefing, Libya does not have the luxury of a purely Libyan-Libyan solution. Unfortunately, we are held hostage by external powers and their interests.”